Most such advocacy will be directed at the Biden Administration itself along with selected independent regulatory bodies and will necessarily be complemented by Congressional lobbying or education. In our Congressional work, we are particularly interested in defeating damaging policy or budget riders that aim to promote fossil fuels. We look forward to a future moment when climate legislation is possible.

We provide funds that match the purpose of the advocacy, so both c(4) and c(3) dollars are available. Successful advocacy campaigns necessarily employ a wide variety of tactics, and we have supported everything from insider stealth lobbying to massive social media influencer programs, door-to-door canvassing, alliances of unlikely bedfellows, and deployment of highly analytical evidence. 

We are not ideological in our goals or tactics, with the exception of a commitment to a rapid decarbonization of the U.S. economy. At the same time, we acknowledge that poor and marginalized communities have long suffered disproportionate harm from the American fossil fuel economy and are interested in policy approaches that, at a minimum, halt and eventually reverse that harm. 

As a nation, we are so far behind in achieving minimally sufficient carbon reduction that we are open to proposals affecting literally any sector of the U.S. economy, from transportation to power generation to food and agriculture. We are comfortable being the first and, at times, only funder in a pivotal campaign, and it is unusual to find ourselves as a small funder of a giant multi-year effort. We deeply respect those who fund multi-year programs but largely reserve our funding for those moments when it is make or break, and rapid response funding might make the difference between a win or a loss. Similarly, given the urgency of the crisis, we expect to lose often in order to move the terms of debate and advance stronger final compromises.